Causes of State Failure in Sub-Saharan Africa

Causes of submit Failure in Sub-Saharan AfricaAbstractThis project sets start to essay the causes of the founderure of the evince in sub-Saharan Africa. Since the introduction of terra firma in the sub- unmixed in the early 1990s, the process has been a slow and cumber whatsoever, casting doubts on the possibility of instituting reli satisfactory commonwealth on the sub-continent. The goernmental crisis gave room for autocrats who were the fomenters of the paradox to eternalize themselves in force out in the name of avoiding advertize conflicts or problems. They hold adventure advanced a whole range of contrary problems as the cause of this crisis w here as the problem lies in the absence of a classless flori burnish or the proper understanding of it.In the words of the non bad(p) Afri broodist, the late Professor Ake Claude, the sub-continents problems is but(prenominal) when wizard of leadershiphip crisis. As this dawns on us at a moment when democratic government activityns argon a necessity in the rude(a) global stage setting, how do we solve the problems which put superstar over st e truly last(predicate)ed the institution this a good deal cherished majority rule? The manage the thesis states lies in the institutionalization of country.IntroductionThe ask for good goernments in Africa has been a spunky priority item on the agenda of Afri arouse and world politicians for well over half a century. The African continent for s ever soal decades now has been replete with ills much(prenominal) as low living standards, a stagnant rescue, and high rates of unemployment, poverty, low infrastructural development, a violent policy-making environment, dictatorships, social clashes and preceding(prenominal) every last(predicate) a command disregard of the fundamental rights of the tidy sum. It still grapples with these semi policy-making uncertainties, frugal adversities, and social inequalities at once (Chazan, 1999). There is therefrom a sine qua non to device the beaver means possible by which the state can be create and empowered so that it deals adequately with these problems. commonwealths ability to organize society, ensuring the respect of the rights and liberties of the large subroutine, asking for accountable leadership, ensuring effective participation, a transparent sparing and a scantily and equitable social order, in essence ensuring the socio- economic and governmental prosperity of a nation, which in summary are Africas biggest problems, makes it the best possible solution to the problems Africa faces today. As a case, the quest for republic in Africa has been contactn as vital if Africa has to set up a harmonized community that impart develop and catch up with the demands of the ever globalizing world.The story of instituting res publica in Sub-Saharan Africa has been a long haggard angiotensin-converting enzyme, with many another(prenominal) highs and lows som e(prenominal) events have make it seem rattling apparent and promising, but to a fault there have been on the other pass around other very chall(a)enging events which have headinged the possibility of democracys survival. As a result, several debates have ensued amongst Africanist, who have focused on a large part on the prospects of democracy on the continent, some arguing that it is doomed to fail and other optimist who believe that a genuine democratic system can and exit emerge in sub-Saharan Africa. Their focus therefore have been how democracy can be right instituted, its challenges and how the inherent problems it faces can be adequately resolved so that Africa go forth gain ground from good cheek schemes.There have been several events kickoff with the legalization of governmental parties and the take back to multi society elections in the late 1980s which suggested that democracy was well under behavior on the continent. But as it was macrocosm instituted it g o about several challenges which resorted to disorderliness throwing back the move to democracy stark naked forms of electoral authoritarianism, happen to soldiery and in some extreme cases pile(p) well-behaved wars broke out on the sub-continent. This has left many critics of African democracy to question the possibility of instituting genuine democracy on the continent, contempt it being the choice of the people.Apologist of African democracy have since argued that Africas political crisis were as a result of an imposition of a westbound culture or style of administration which is not compatible with the African society. They intend democracy alien and in violation to the African culture (Ake, 1991). This according to them has been the reason for the failure of democracy. They rather support the one ships company dictatorial style governance, which they claim is the best means by which the continent can unite to develop (Busia, 1961).Another school of thought which emerge d aft(prenominal) the transition period, the modernist, advanced reasons for the failure of democracy in Africa, blaming the superficial temperament of the state, and its failure to penetrate the African society adequately, calling the state a weak leviathan (Chabal Daloz, 1999). This same school and notably Patrick Chabal note that Africas economic crisis does not favor the successful implementation of democracy on the continent. Democracy he argues is underpinned by capitalism, a uniquely dynamic and productive system, in its absence therefore there is doubt that democracy can be successfully instituted on the African sub-continent. This view has too supported the place that democracy is an imposition on Africa and thus go away always fail the aspirations of those who seek to implement it on the continent.This thesis therefore sets out to answer some of this cynicism and provide a possible solution for the problems democracy in the African sub-continent faces. If anything de mocracy has not failed Africa, but Africa as sh proclaim by the brusque actions of its leader, has failed to grasp the archetype of democracy. It sets out trying to systematically carry out how through its political evolution, it is the failure to decent institute democracy during the second gear wave democratization process which has brought nearly the political crisis the sub-continent is facing. Secondly if neo-patrimonialism exists and survives today it is because leaders have twisted democratic tenets to suit their whims and caprices, thus legitimizing much(prenominal) imperative regimes.The set backs it faced during the mid-1990 did not spell doom for democracy, but rather served as an eye opener for Africa. The democratic struggle is a gradual process which will emerge from experience and improvisation as it continues to struggle states prof Claude Ake, who believes that Africas experience will develop the best suited type of democracy that will solve its problems (Ak e, 1993). Democracy can survive in Africa, but the players and fomenters must take several factors into consideration, alike picking up more democratic ethics and tenets and developing a strong united courteous society, showing more good will and respect towards their people and the state as opposed to the selfish and envious attitude which has been noted to be the norm on the sub-continent.With time as adequate steps like institutionalization and consolidation are taken, democracy will be a success story in Africa. This view is excessively supported by Larry Diamond, who state inter alia if progress is to be made towards developing democratic governance, it is likely to be gradual messy, fitful and slow, with many imperfections along the way (Diamond, 1989, p.24). Thus this piece looks at how these imperfections were created and how certain responses will set the sub-continent on track to democratic governance.This thesis starts off by looking at the development of democrac y on the African sub-continent in the 1990s. Chapter one will therefore start off looking at why the third wave started, how it happened and why it was believed to have been the new way for Africa. The case of post independent African authorities was very debatable of the buses. The one party patrimonial state had proven to be disastrous, the forces regimes which later emerged, discourse immediate egress and development also failed the aspirations of the people and so there was a general move by the people towards democracy. This was in addition to the external contracts that existed at the moment. Thus there was a general surge towards democratic elections in the sub continent, with several parties legalized and the political life of the sub-continent in different countries.Chapter two looks at the break d give birth in the drive towards democracy. Why the democratic frenzy was short lived, only registering limited success across Sub-Saharan Africa. As the concepts of mult iparty elections were applied across the sub continent, there were different outcomes with each case being very unique to the different nations. Generally democracy failed to take root. It was cosmetic and a virtual democracy as described by Richard Joseph. It will consider the reasons why this was the case. Given that al close all the countries in the sub-continent held elections of different kinds, did this criminate they were all democracies? We will look at the new classifications of African regimes. Considering that they were all at this layer considered transitionary.Chapter cardinal starts off by considering the complex nature of democracy. It brings out a list of factors which qualify a state as a democracy or not. It then looks at the regimes on the sub-continent and categorizes them per the 2006 freedom House Review. These are democracies (11), Hybrid regimes (23) and autocracies (14). Since our focus is on the failing state we shall look at the commonalities and diff erences between the hybrid and failed/unre organize regimes. In that light we shall bring out the common or popular concern for democracy in Africa which is the misconception democracy suffers and the need for institutionalization.Chapter four now looks at the problems African democracies have faced since inception. Considering the very broad nature and tone the thesis has taken this far, it will consider a case study on the res publica of Cameroon, a country in the underlying African region of Africa, which has failed to properly institute democracy till date. It is considered an electoral autocracy and serves as a perfect example of how Africa, fails democracy. The problems this state faces are in effect what more or less of the states of the Sub-Saharan region face, certain outcomes may differ, but essentially the issues or problems are the same.This study will provide the perfect opportunity of move into context all the issues that I have raised this far to reenforce the po int of the thesis, which is that it is the failure to fully understand and properly grasp the concept of democracy that has caused democracy to fail in this country and the sub-continent as a whole. These areas include the formation of political parties, to the electoral process, the narrow political field, constrain civil society, absence of civility, politicized violence and the inter guinea pig support for dictatorships. These points were adequately discussed by Professor Celestin Monga.Chapter five shall be the conclusion to this project in which we shall be looking at possible solutions to the problems raised above. It shall world-class suggest solutions to the problems duly raised and also consider effective institutionalization through the strengthening of the three tiers of government namely the executive, legislative and judiciary so that there is a balance in power amongst these three. By applying these solutions in the Cameroonian context and eventually on the sub-conti nent, the African sub-continent will be brought closer to the accent of consolidated democracies.The Rebirth of Democracy (1990-1993)The period 1989-1993 was considered to be the break point for Africa. This is the period during which Africa witnessed a wave of regime c strikees. Hitherto to this period, single party, forces regimes and presidents for life was the norm in nearly African states. Competitive governing was considered a luxury by more or less African leaders who stated that it was neither obligatory nor affordable for Africans (Decalo, 1992). This belief was aptly described in the words of Sierra Leonean president at the time Siaka Stevens when he say of democracy and I quote it is a system of institutionalized tribal ethnic quiquennial warfare euphemistically known as elections which is an open invitation to outlawry and disunity (Decalo, 1992) a view which was endorsed by Tanzanias Julius Nyerere who also stated that democracy was stronger with a one party sta te rule which unified the country.To back up this system of administration, it was claimed that Africa had its own unique history and tradition thus the introduction of democracy was a violation of the integrity of the African culture (Ake, 1991). The African traditional system in its own right, they further argued, was infused with democracy with standards of responsibility considered to be stricter than the west, though invariably patrimonial, thus it possessed signs of a democracy-hence a democracy (Ake, 1991).A second argument put previous was the social composition of African states. Because of its plural nature, the introduction of liberal democracy could possibly inflame ethnic rivalries which will result in political disintegration. Democracy they argued was a distraction to what was important for society. It was a thing for elites and the ameliorate masses and ended on paper, it did not provide or allow for for the pressing needs of the rural masses. This one party prot agonists concluded that a patrimonial system was going to unite and institutionalize all positive energy towards economic development (Ake, 1991).Thus African style democracy as it came to be termed of one party politics was considered the best option for Africa given its complex social context, endorsed by most westwardern governments as shown by their cooperation with them. This ideology was even backed in cases by the World Bank as noted by their take note that with weak states, only a bureaucratic authoritarian regime could acquire fissiparous tensions and lead to a free market deliverance (Decalo, 1992). Africans believed so much in this style of administration Samuel Decalo talks of Mugabe during a state visit to the United States of America in the 80s, who recommended to the American congress, the one party state system as an option they should consider (Decalo, 1992).A point to note here is the hypocrisy of this political ideology. Despite preaching governments of natio nal unity and socio-economic development, the oppo settle was being practiced and witnessed in most countries. The presidency and administration became the possession of whatever ethnic group held the presidency. Nepotism was dominant and groups were rather occupied with gaining a greater share of the existing pie than workings for equitable development (Decalo, 1992). This political practice as a result accentuated the tribal and ethnic divide which existed within the many African states and fuelled anti-government sentiments amongst the universe as we shall see below.A change to this political scenario though requisite, was least expected to occur by scholars, in a continent which had shown signs of rebelliousness to a more liberal democracy by sticking to its own developed and formulated ideology of Afro-Marxism (Decalo, 1992). There were strong calls some(prenominal) from within and without for a change to the system that was failing to provide adequately for their needs. T his precept mass demonstrations, rallies and civil disobedience all calling for the return of democracy and for regime change. This was spawned by the stifling political authoritarianism and economic decay, further triggered by the spectacle of the choke of titans in East Europe (Decalo, 1992).The one party state had yielded a form of presidential authoritarianism, through which the state economy was plundered, there was a disdain for civic and human rights, and little or no attention was paid to the plight of the rural population (Decalo, 1992). economic projects were failing to materialize there was the absence of infrastructural development needed for this growth and above all a high rate of unemployment. The military regimes which took over power in certain instances to sweep clean the state failed to return power back to civilian rule and fell into the same plight by drop clothing short of the efficiency mark.These regimes were thus fundamentally unaccountable, alter and patrimonial (Decalo, 1992). There were the failures of these regimes that could be considered the primary cause of the call to democracy and multipartyism. The growing urbanization and education of Africans made sensitive to the hostile political and economic environment being created by their leaders, thus they desired intimacy and the respect of their rights which had been usurped and abused by this dictatorial one party system. They precious their grievances listened to and solved by a regime that had been removed from the people, blind and deaf to their problems. The only way to do this was by mass protest against such(prenominal) regimes and seeking to over throw them.Economic related reasons, mainly externally influenced, could be tell to be the greatest factors which led to this drive in re-democratization. Africa relied for a large part on internationalistic aid and loans to fund most of its activities. The administrative sector was the biggest employer in most countri es, thus the specie aid they authoritative was used almost entirely on hire payments and carry out government businesses, rather than invest in lucrative businesses which could eventually pay back. Civil servants in the higher echelon were corrupt and malversate these state funds to fund their luxurious lives. The growth registered within the economy was good but this was not sustainable growth and did not warrantee a future for the economy.Most corporations were state own and private businesses were not promoted or were largely absent. As a result of all these, conferrer countries through the IMF and World Bank suggested certain adjustments be made with the governance system if they were to continue offering this aid and loans. This came to be known as the Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) which called for African governments to privatize state owned corporations, cut down on its public sector and above all to democratize as conditions to receive aid. This provided a lee wa y for the dissent voices of nationals who wanted change. They were joined by civil servants who suffered huge pay cuts and in extreme cases lost their jobs. This situation was further aggravated by the fall in commodity prices in the international markets meaning that African states were graceful much at the mercy of international donors, who wanted change with the regimes. last the demise of communism and the end of the inhuman War also had an colossal impact on the political life of African states. First of all it diverted the attention of investors to the newly liberalized and potential economies of Eastern Europe, thus trim down the amount of capital investments which flowed to the continent, affecting the African economy adversely. Secondly the West no longer supported the dictatorial regimes in Africa as it did during the Cold War days. They withdrew support from these regimes (example of Angola and Togo where they had supported antagonized sectarian groups) asking them to democratize as a condition for continuous aid and loans (Decalo, 1992).This was especially true of France who had since emancipation maintained a close link with Francophone African states and signed several military accords with African states offering them (military) support when they needed it the case of Central Africa and the support they offered Idriss Deby against Bedel Bokassa 1990, one authoritarian regime for another. The Apartheid regime of South Africa also did not receive any more support from the West, who had pursued half hearted sanctions against this repressive regime. As soon as the Cold War came to an end, the Apartheid regime under pressure yielded and released Mandela, introducing reforms, forcing other African states to follow suit, who had used this regime to propagate a repressive rule against their citizens. They were thus forced to change.The first shots of democracy in Africa were noted in Benin, when in early 1990, students, civil servants and the whole community took to the streets denouncing the rule of then president, Mathieu Kerekou and calling for what they termed a national sovereign host of all active forces (Richard Joseph, 1991). This sovereign national conference was to bring together representatives of the different sectors and works of life in a voice of national unity to address the problems of society. In the case of Benin, it resulted in the removal of President Mathieu Kerekous control of public policy and the formation of a transitional government (Richard Joseph, 1991).The outcome of this was received with much charm in other African states and they later began calling for national conferences in their respective countries. This was the case in Togo, congou, Congo, Gabon and Cameroon. The out come was not inescapably the same as in the case of Benin, because not all the presidents yielded to such demands, they resisted these popular calls and tried making substantive concessions to the oppositeness (Richard Joseph, 1991). All in all it marked the beginning of change on the continent as a result of popular demand (democratic will, the voice of the people).All this pressure resulted in the democratization of Africa as noted by the re-legalization of political parties, restored freedoms of association, manufacture and expression and also in the reform of constitutions which led to multiparty elections in most sub-Saharan states (Richard Joseph, 1998). Over the brief period of 1990-1994, 54 competitive elections were held in 29 countries with 30 of the electoral outcomes welcomed by the electorates and the process ruled as free and fair by observers (Bratton, 1998). One party rule was noted to have been replaced with more open and participatory competitive democracy.With the influx of these political parties, they were quick at pointing out the short comings of government, its administrative inefficiency, political corruption, economic mismanagement, and social decay (El-Khawas, 2001). No tably between 1990 and 1993, twenty five countries held elections with 11 foe parties winning and coming to power. Though very commendable, the legalization of opposition parties did not necessarily mean democracy for African countries (Diamond, 1994). Even those who see regime change sooner than later faced crisis thus quizzical the durability of democracy in Africa, because certain cracks were noted in the area of this nascent African democracy.Looking at the above, democracy was not brought about by conditions of the west, but rather it was the desire and commitment of the people for accountability and meaningful development from their respective governments, further fuelled by the economic conditions and cause of the SAP, which only came to show how vilely the state was being managed. On the contradictory the west could be accused of complacency. As earlier mentioned they had supported these authoritative regimes and cooperated with them.Even after conditions were placed on leverage, they never followed them up or pressed this dictatorial regimes to democratize as in the case of Kenya, Cameroon and Togo just to name a few, to which the international community still offered loans and did not question the actions of these governments like human rights abuse, which drew a lot of criticism from the press and public (Ake, 1991). Therefore the call for democracy was only emboldened by economic factors which brought change at the time to some countries (Benin ousting of Kerekou, Liberia, fall of Samuel Doe) but failed to change regimes in others (Cameroon, Nigeria, Kenya) and can not be said to be the main factor but a mix of both (Ake, 1991).Chapter Three The Democratic Dark DaysFollowing this run of political liberalization was a period of political violence, wars and crisis in a number of African countries that sent ripples down the nascent democracy in Africa. A critical look at the outcome of the first set of elections organized in the sub-continent drew a lot of criticism from pundits who considered the process as cosmetic and as failing in its objectives. What seemed to have been created on the African sub-continent was a virtual democracy as noted by Richard Joseph (Richard Joseph, 1993). This could be explained by the fact that in a number of African states, the incumbents managed to hang on to power after elections in their states, despite the mass demonstrations against their administrations and rule.It is necessary to remind ourselves here of the popular support democracy enjoyed in the different African states it was not an orchestration or ploy of an elitist few, but a genuine request by all for change, thus a lot was expected in the form of regime changes across the continent. Despite this, a few countries (11 of the 25 countries that held competitive elections during the period of 1992-1993) and notably Zambia and South Africa managed to see a democratic change in leadership (El-Khawas, 2001). Thus the much anticipat ed democracy in sub-Saharan Africa was failing to take root.Regimes failed to be changed in Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Kenya and Ghana just to name a few, despite mass protest and popular support the opposition in these countries enjoyed. Elections were noted to be carried out in a politically tensed atmosphere, characterized by determent (house arrest and states of emergency), spacious vote rigging and general violence. The experienced leaders with all the powers they wielded violated the rules of the country with impunity and after enjoying the booty they had siphoned from the economy, had every determination of staying in power and as a result did all to delay their stay in power. ).As a matter of fact, the biblical apothegm of old wine in new wine skins held true here since there seemed to be nothing new to the political order in a number of states that witnessed elections. The story of ousted leaders on the continent during the military coup days of the 1960s had not been an envious one as such they would do anything to preserve power in the event where they had been very reckless with power (Young, 1996 De Walle, 2001). This is what Professor Ake Claude termed the leadership crisis of the continent according to the professor the African political crisis resulted from the absence of true statesmen, but rather the hump of those with every intention of ensuring their stay in power or having their own share of the national cake (Ake, 1996). This assertion has been supported by Richard Joseph, who holds that a prebendal system is set up, with entrenched corruption, and the leaders work only for the benefit of themselves and their clients, leaving the locals to their own devices for survival (Joseph, 2003).As such, these leaders organized charades in the name of elections, given that they controlled the judiciary and legislative and with this centralization of power they were able to corner the multitude of opposition parties they had legalized as a disorga nizing technique of the opposition (Young, 1996). As such despite their inefficiencies, the leaders found themselves in power with very vindictive policies against opposition strongholds. This was the case in Kenya, Cameroon, Gabon and Ivory Coast, where crabbed regions and tribes were subject to marginalization and vengeance of the leader.In Kenya, Arap Moi and his cohorts fomented tribal conflicts that led to the ending of about 1500 and displaced a further 350,000 in the rift valley area, in Cameroon the Anglophone West Cameroon was massively under represented in the government that was formed interest the presidential elections of 1992. Millions of dollars which were funds for other projects were misappropriated to ensure such electoral successes and thus their stay in power (Diamond, 2008 Young, 1996). These leaders were also noted by the international community as having been endorsed by the people, and as a result the West continued its support of these corrupt regimes wit h poor human right records, and with incumbents who had every intention to continue pillaging the economy as before.The situation generally speaking looked bleak for the African Sub-continent which had received the third wave with such enthusiasm. The democratic quest was dealt further blows when civil wars and genocides broke out in some of the sub-Saharan countries there was a return of the military to power in others. This period is considered to be the unknown moments of African political development. The Congo Basin has been noted as one of the main trouble spots on the continent owing to the look in which the wars which emanated from this region spread across, affecting all the countries sharing borders. Zaire for starters was under the tight grip of the dictator Mobuto Sese Seko, who did not give into the pressures for democratization.He refused convening a national conference, blaming it on technicalities of representation owing to the ethnic diversity and broadness of Zai re (now the Democratic Republic of Congo-DRC). Thus democracy did not effectively take root there, despite calls for the democratization by the masses. Armed conflicts broke out first in Burundi following the overthrow of the newly elected president Melchior Ndadaye, by Tutsi officers, trying to furbish up Tutsi control over the Tutsi dominated state. In neighboring Rwanda, the Hutu rule came to a halt when following elections in 1994 the Hutu president Juvenal Habyarimana had to form a partnership regime with the Tutsi minority, but was assassinated during the process, giving room to extremist Hutus to launch a genocidal raid against the Tutsis.These two wars led to the death and fracture of millions further enshrining the problems rocking this continent. The National Resistant Movement (NRM) initiated by Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, an arm impulsion against dictators in the Central-East of Africa and enjoying the support of western powers and international donors promoted more o f the armed conflicts faced by this part of Africa. It supported rebels against the Kabila regime who had earlier ejected Mobuto from power in 1997 (following the wars in Rwanda which gave the rebels led by Kabila the impetus to fight Mobuto) following a fall out between the rebels and Kabila, leading to the Congo war constant from 1998-2003 Young, 1996 Richard Joseph, 1998).The story of armed conflicts in the wake of an era of democratic elections is numerous on the African continent. One very interesting case to site here is that of Congo-Brazzaville, where democratic tides were considerably reversed following the forceful return to power by Denis Sassou-Nguesso who had earlier been defeated in elections in 1993 (Young, 1996). This was courteous with the support of France and Angola in front of a dumb struck international community that only muttered on the events that were ravaging the continent. The Liberian and Sierra Leonean cases could also be sited, but given these it is g ood enough to make our abstract of the democratic struggle in Sub-Saharan continent.These crises resulted in the deaths of millions, refugee problems, food shortages and famines, poverty, a poor economy and low rate of development not only in countries involved, but affected the economy of other states in general as it stalled possible investments in this part of the world. International investors feared investing in a place which did not guarantee the safety of their businesses they rather invested in the newly democratized states of West Europe. African investors themselves were fleeing with whatever capital they had leading to massive capital flights and brain drain as whole families sought new places and beginnings.This far Africa was not providing a perfect home for Africans. If anything these moments looked to be livelihood the claims of some African democratic skeptics and proponents of African socialism (and thus one party style democracy) that democracy let alone libe